Ground zero


The world was stunned today as nuclear devastation fell on the Subcontinent. Enormous areas of Mumbai, Islamabad, Rawalpindi and Delhi were reduced to radioactive rubble in the early hours of this morning. Both Hyderabads have been obliterated, as have Sargodha, Bahawalpur and Jaipur, by weapons thought to have had a yield of about 40 kilotons (the Hiroshima bomb was less than half that).
An Indian strike against Karachi failed, when nuclear-armed Su-30 aircraft had to take evasive action and released their bombs about fifty miles east of Pakistan’s largest city – but then prevailing winds drove massive clouds of radioactive sand across the entire urban area and far along the coastline.
Ground zero for Pakistan’s nuclear missiles aimed at New Delhi appeared to be symbolic: India Gate, the city’s business area, centred round Connaught Place, no longer exists, and destruction was total in the diplomatic enclave of Chanakyapuri and north to Civil Lines, perhaps further.
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SUBCONTINENT: WHEN THE NUKES CONFRONT!!! 

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by Brian Cloughley

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Note for WoP readers:  The following post is a stark presentation of the nuclear Armageddon, a scenario which could beome a reality if sanity between India and Pakistan did not prevail. The war mongers in both the nuclear armed neighbours seem to have absolutely no idea of what a nuclear confrontation could entail between these two nations of the subcontinent. Or perhaps they intentionally have their own axe to grind, oblivious to what could happen to the vast multitude of humanity all across the subcontinent.

Agreed there are differences between the two. This is quite natural. Even when there are two persons, its not always the foregone conclusion that they will have the same opinion on every issue that comes into the orbit of their interaction. Simialrly countries too have differences. But to sort out opposing opinions, differences there is a civilised way. Fighting wars for territories, ideas, hegemony and economic interests is the most brutal way of sorting out such matters for a war in most cases brings nothingg but death and destruction.

India and Pakistan have been having differences on many issues right from the day both countries got independence when they came out of the yoke of British empire in 1947.

Instead of fighting a war which will result in no Kashmir, no India, no Pakistan, leadership in both the neighbouring states need to sit together and seriously make a bid to sort out their differences. If the leaders are sincere in settling the disputes, there will be a solution. God forbid if there is no solution, there will be nothing to discuss, nothing to rule, nothing to take pride of being Pakistani or a proud and patriotic Indian….. [Nayyar]


(more…)

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The World’s Most Dangerous Border – KASHMIR



According to a Rand Corp study, an Indo-Pakistani nuclear exchange would immediately kill two million living souls, injure or kill 100 million later, pollute the Indus River and send clouds of radioactive dust around the globe.
That is the excellent reason why we should keep a weather eye on Kashmir and press India and Pakistan to make a fair settlement of this exceptionally dangerous 66-year dispute. In other words, no military solution to the long standing dispute over Kashmir. Let diplomacy have its way over stupidity of war games in Kashmir.
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TO AVERT A NUCLEAR HOLOCAUST,  WORLD MUST FIND A SOLUTION FOR KASHMIR 

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by Eric Margolis

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ISTANBUL –  Reports of fighting along Kashmir’s  cease-fire line don’t normally receive much attention in the western media.  Last week, for example, saw  a series of clashes on 8 and 10 January that killed both Pakistani and Indian troops.

One of the Indian soldiers was decapitated, provoking fury across India and calls from its extremist Shiv Sena Hindu party for a nuclear attack on Pakistan.

Gunfire is common on the 1947 cease-fire line known as the Line of Control that divided the beautiful mountain kingdom of Kashmir into Indian and Pakistani-controlled portions. Fighting in that tense region always has the potential to quickly escalate into a  major war – or even nuclear conflict.

Having been under fire numerous times on the LOC, I used the experience in my first book, “War at the Top of the World” to illustrate just how dangerous the simmering Kashmir dispute remains. 

A dispute that went from bad to critical after India and then Pakistan acquired and deployed nuclear weapons.  This, I wrote, was the most dangerous strategic threat facing the globe.

India and Pakistan have fought three  wars and some very large battles over Kashmir. Both claim the entire mountain state.  Pakistan’s intelligence service, ISI, has waged a long covert campaign to insert guerillas into Indian Kashmir to aid a series of spontaneous rebellions  against Indian rule by the state’s Muslim majority.

This writer has joined mujihadin fighting their way across the lethal Line of Control which is defended by Israeli-constructed fences, electronic sensors, minefields and Israeli-supplied drones. Losses  run very high among those trying to cross the line.

Muslim Kashmiris have been in almost constant revolt against Indian rule since 1947 when the British divided India. Today,  500,000 Indian troops and paramilitary police garrison rebellious Kashmir.  Some 40,000-50,000 Kashmiris are believed to have died over the past decade in uprising.

India blames the violence in Kashmir on “cross-border terrorism” engineered by Pakistani intelligence. Human rights groups accuse Indian forces of executions, torture, and reprisals against civilians.  Large numbers of Hindus and Sikhs have fled strife-torn Kashmir after attacks by Muslim Kashmiri guerillas.  It’s a very bloody, dirty war.

The Kashmir conflict poses multiple dangers.  First is the very likely chance that local skirmishing can quickly surge into major fighting involving air power and heavy artillery.  In 1999, a surprise attack by Pakistani commandos into the Indian-ruled Kargil region provoked heavy fighting.  The two nations, with more than one million troops facing one another, came very close to an all-out war.  I have on good authority that both sides put their tactical nuclear weapons on red alert.  Angry Indian generals called on Delhi to use its powerful armored corps to cut Pakistan in half.  India’s cautious civilian leadership said no.

Second,  the Kashmir conflict also involves India’s strategic rival, China.  Beijing claims the entire eastern end of the Himalayan border separating India and China, which Chinese troops occupied in a brief 1963 war.  China also occupied, with Pakistan’s help, a high strategic plateau on the western end of the Himalayas known as Aksai Chin that was part of historic Tibet.

China is Pakistan’s closest political and military ally.  Any major Indian attack on Pakistan would risk intervention by Chinese air, ground and missiles forces in neighboring Tibet.

Third, in the midst of all these serious tensions, India and Pakistan’s nuclear weapons – delivered by air and missile – are on hair-trigger alert.  This means that during a severe crisis, both sides are faced with “use it, or lose” decision in minutes to use their nuclear arsenals.

The strategic command and control systems of India and Pakistan are said to be riddled with problems and often unreliable,  though much improvement has been made in recent years.

A false report, a flight of birds, and off-course aircraft could provoke a nuclear exchange.  By the time Islamabad could call Delhi, war might be on.  A US Rand Corp study estimated an Indo-Pakistani  nuclear exchange would  kill two million immediately, injure or kill 100 million later, pollute the Indus River and send clouds of radioactive dust around the globe.

That is the excellent reason why we should keep a weather eye on Kashmir and press India and Pakistan to make a fair settlement of this exceptionally dangerous 66-year dispute.

copyright Eric S. Margolis 2012

More from Eric Margolis on Wonders of Pakistan

1. Dangerous war games in Syria 2. Egypt headed for an explosion 3. Facing the Writing on the Wall in Kabul  4. Nuclear missile Viagra for India 5 Obama does the right thing in Afghanistan 6. Will the US back real democracy in Egypt? 7.The man  who prevented World War III
Eric Margolis is an American born journalist and writer. He is contributing editor to the Toronto Sun chain of newspapers, writing mainly about the Middle East, South Asia and Islam. He contributes also to the HuffPost & appears frequently on North American tv channels.

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When India Visits Kashmir



Then India had to visit the famous Hazratbal shrine. Arrangements were made, security was beefed up and under the cover of ordnances and 200 odd guards India paid obeisance at the shrine. As always India was kissed on hands, on cheeks and on forehead by the “Mutawali” (Care Taker) of the shrine who is already well known for the gay acts with one of the Kashmir’s stakeholder with center.

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WHEN INDIA VISITS KASHMIR

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by Sheikh Saaliq

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It is not a question. In fact it is an answer to those who are and have been the core stakeholders of India’s visit to Kashmir now and then. It’s an answer to their silly statements. It’s an answer to their fake promises and most importantly it’s an answer to those who enjoy a sound sleep in Gupkar’s and tweet no different than Poonam Pandey, playing an important role in India’s visit to Kashmir.

Anyways, may it be the supremo of the so called largest democracy of the world or the next generation politicians, big business names or the Kings of their Bollywood, Kashmir was paid a visit by all of these in the year 2012. Still they are. I wonder what support India’s business tycoons can show to the Kashmir cause. Irony!

In-fact India’s visits to Kashmir this year saw a rush. Sometimes India visited Kashmir for a solution, sometimes for strengthening bonds and sometimes for a shoot in the Gulmarg’s and Pahalgam’s under tight security.

Just a few days back India visited Kashmir again, as a youth leader. This time to build a bridge: The Bridge of trust. The bridge which India wanted to build in a big Auditorium filled with a handpicked audience, on a decorated podium with barbed wires outside. Inside, under the tight security and escorted by marshals, the Youth leader was leaving no stone unturned publicizing his party, his promises and his solution but outside Black flags were hoisted. The “Azadi” slogans reverberated again not before the future of the nation was caged in their classrooms.

Snipers on the every possible roof top, just to ensure bridge was made as per plans. Everything happened as per the script. No questions, No queries and no answers even. Kashmir’s beauty was praised, photos were clicked, economic possibilities were discussed and the very next day, a grand breakfast at the Gupkar’s. They forgot the bridge.

India was the same all over again. They promise to build bridges even when there are no waters. All promise outran performance. Useless commitments and promises were made, promises and hopes; but no plans.

After that India visited Kashmir again. This time stressing on the need to strengthen the fencing on the Line of Control (LoC) to ensure zero infiltration and asking the Jammu and Kashmir Government to give sense of security to Panchayat representatives, and Kashmiri Pandits. A high profile meet was summoned and as always same answers. “We promise to take more solid measures”. The promises which were never fulfilled! India left for Shikara rides and Mughal Garden views. In-fact phones were Jammed as always, taking in consideration that no attack will take place.

Then India had to visit the famous Hazratbal shrine. Arrangements were made, security was beefed up and under the cover of ordnances and 200 odd guards India paid obeisance at the shrine. As always India was kissed on hands, on cheeks and on forehead by the “Mutawali” (Care Taker) of the shrine who is already well known for the gay acts with one of the Kashmir’s stakeholder with center.

Then India desired to visit the Historical “Ghanta Ghar” (Clock tower) in the city center Lal chowk. The demand had to be fulfilled. It was the master’s orders.

The whole city center was cordoned off before an hour taking all the residents and shop owners by a surprise. The 15 minute visit by India meant an hour long traffic jam in the main shopping hub of Kashmir, high level frisking to the locals and the passerby’s thus irking them and of course jamming mobile networks. India purchased some handicrafts. They forgot the promises.

Even apart from any political personality of India visiting Kashmir, things don’t seem to change any bit. From Ambani’s to the Khans, it’s only a common Kashmiri which has to pay.

In a tourist season a Kashmiri is barred to visit the Pahalgam’s. Why? Just because their King of Bollywood is shooting there under tight vigil and security and a common Kashmiri can’t go that way because the state government has ordered to cordon that area off. A common Kashmiri is no more worth than an alien who enjoys grand security and is welcomed by every possible administrator of the state. Even press conferences are also given under the shade of tight security in the Lalit’s but in between some teenagers are arrested and handcuffed in Public somewhere in the old city. No one can listen to the helpless cries of their mothers and sisters. How can they? They were busy making arrangements for the Khan’s. They forgot their duties.

Not only this year. Same has happened every year when India visits Kashmir. In fact Kashmiri’s are even asked to open their lunch boxes also and when asked why? They say it’s just a routine security check.

Jammed mobile networks and Internet, frisking at every possible corner, traffic jams, sudden cordons and a common Kashmiri caged in his own home.

Yes, this is what happens, When India visits Kashmir! 

More from Sheikh Saaliq on Wonders of Pakistan

The Unmarked Graves Of Kashmir

Sheikh Saaliq is 20. He is the chief editor of a monthly online magazine called The Vox Kashmir, Email: saaliqfayaz@gmail

Visit also his website at  http://WWW.THEVOXKASHMIR.IN

Related Post:

1. Kashmir: World’s Most Dangerous Border
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Of times lost


The daily sunset ritual — with its coordination, discipline and precision — a reminiscence of the warlike condition between the two neighbours, India and Pakistan may be an enjoyable spectacle but what is the point of having this carefully choreographed piece of pantomime aggression?
Is it a call to rally around the flag? Or a display of uber-patriotism and feel-good jingoism? Is it a benign Indo-Pak version of the Roman gladiatorial contests — a redundant spectacle embodying nothing but posturing? Or is it simply where tourism meets nationalism?
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REMINISCENCE OF THE 1965 WAR

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by Ayaz Amir

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Back from a trip to Amritsar and Delhi on Wednesday evening, and too tired to go on to Chakwal as I had meant to – PIA never disappointing, the flight from Delhi late by three hours – I sought refuge under the roof of the Avari, where my poverty usually takes me when in the favoured city of the Emperor Jahangir.

And as I sat down to write this on Thursday morning, from somewhere down below on the Mall – it will always be the Mall whatever patriotic name we give it – came the ever-enchanting voice of Noor Jahan the Second, the first being the royal consort of Jahangir.

She was singing that haunting song, “Rah-e-haq ke shaheedo…”, a tribute to the martyrs of the 1965 war, and it came suddenly to me that this was the Defence of Pakistan Day, an anniversary remembered with less and less fervour as the years pass…not because respect for our fighting soldiers has in any way diminished but because the truth about that conflict is now more widely understood.

It was a war that Pakistan did not seek; it was a war into which it stumbled. The hawks – the two leading ones being Foreign Minister Zulfikar Ali Bhutto and the 12 Division Commander, Maj Gen Akhtar Hussain Malik – forgot to make the little calculation that any adventure undertaken in Kashmir would impel or tempt India to straighten out the balance somewhere else, at a time and place of its choosing.

When our Kashmir adventure turned into a serious threat to Indian forces in Kashmir, to no one’s surprise except ours Indian forces crossed the international border on the front stretching from Sialkot to Lahore.

Our soldiers fought bravely, at places magnificently, as did junior officers up to the level of battalion commanders. A few brigadiers too distinguished themselves. (The Indian official account of the war, which can be read on the net, generously mentions the performance of some of our fighting units.)
And of course the air force acquitted itself superbly. But if one looks for Mansteins in the higher echelons of command one is likely to be disappointed. There were none, not one strategic manoeuvre worth remembering.

Our self-appointed field marshal, Ayub Khan Tareen, lived to rue his blunder. After the war he was no longer the same man and his grip on national affairs weakened. The supreme irony of course was that Bhutto whose role in pushing the war was second to none exploited the outcome, and the subsequent Tashkent agreement, to spread the insinuation that had not Ayub chickened out our forces would have won a signal triumph…which of course was complete nonsense.

Premier Chou En-lai counselled a bewildered field marshal to conduct a guerrilla war, vacating cities if they had to be vacated and conducting a war from behind every bush and boulder. But he could have been preaching to the mountains.

In September 1965, India and Pakistan fought the war over Kashmir. Fearing that this regional conflict could escalate into a conflict of global dimensions, the Soviet Union and the United States pressurized the U. N. to arrange an immediate ceasefire.
The diplomatic efforts of the United Nations resulted in a ceasefire that came into effect on September 23, 1965.
After the ceasefire, it was due to the efforts of Soviet Premier Kosygin, that India and Pakistan signed a declaration that is known as the Tashkent Declaration.

The ceasefire when it came, with no little pushing by the superpowers, came not a moment too soon for our exhausted high command.

But for years and years the mythology persisted, and it was woven into a national legend, that India was out to destroy Pakistan and would have succeeded but for our brave armed forces. The Defence of Pakistan Day commemorates this historiography.

This mythology would not have mattered if it had not led to lasting, and baleful, consequences. We had a fairly open relationship with India until then. But with the war the barriers went up and all ties were cut; defence spending sharply increased; more divisions were raised.
The ramparts of the national security state rose higher. And barriers went up in our minds as well. India was the enemy and this doctrine superseded all others.

We had been doing fairly well economically, ahead then of such states as Malaysia and South Korea. The war put us off the rails completely.
(The only good to come of it were the war songs of Noor Jahan, which are still a marvel to listen to.) With the 1971 war the dogmas learned from the 1965 conflict were reinforced.

Strange, is it not, that the brightest politician of his age should have been the prime carrier of this policy of revanchism and hate? We will fight for a thousand years, was one of his clarion calls, anti-Indianism a plank – nay, an essential component – of his extraordinary success in Punjab in the 1970 elections.
And it was Punjab which catapulted him to national power, not Sindh.

Think again…Punjab dyed in the hues of chauvinism, the country as a whole wedded to the notion of undying hostility towards India…the high priest of this doctrine was the secular, de luxe whisky-sipping (occasionally guzzling) Bhutto. Who listens to the boring lectures, or the stale oratory, of the custodians of the two-nation theory headquartered permanently in Lahore?
Bhutto’s oratory had a mesmeric effect on the Punjabi mind. And his oratory had two key components: pseudo-revolutionism and jingoistic nationalism.

Only now are the barriers raised then coming down slowly, not because of any fresh dawn of enlightenment but the pressure of cruel circumstances. Our army is engaged in no fake adventure on the eastern front. It is caught in a real and brutal war on our western marches, battling an enemy all the more sinister because the strength and staying power of that enemy comes not from evil Jew or conniving Hindu but from within our own ranks.

Our Indian wars, no matter the causes, were simple, black-and-white affairs. We knew who the army was and Noor Jahan had no trouble singing the glories of our valour, real or imaginary. The war we are now engaged in is so much more complex because the enemy is not only the visible enemy we see, cutting the throats of our soldiers in the name of Islam. The enemy is also our own confusion which still cannot make out what is at stake.

At stake is the nation’s soul, its direction. We emerge from the smoke and fire of this conflict and we can hope for national salvation. We lose, or remain victims of confusion, and we might as well seek a confederation with Somalia or the Sudan (with apologies to both these nations).

A Pakistan which has forsaken the tolerance sought to be inculcated by its founding fathers, a Pakistan losing no sleep at the persecution of its minorities and the killing of Shias, a country which can countenance the victimisation of an Aasia Bibi or a Rimsha Masih, is a country in dire need of asking some hard questions of itself. All injustice is bad; injustice perpetrated in the name of religion is infinitely worse.

We can be such hypocrites. Are the lives of the Caliphs dead pieces of parchment or living examples to follow? What would the great Omar have done if after a short absence from Makkah he had come to know of the plight of a young Christian girl, Rimsha Masih?

There and then he would have fired the interior minister, the Rehman Malik of his time, and asked the inspector general of police, the kotwal, to run round the city walls with a knapsack on his back. And he would have carried the girl Rimsha on his shoulders to her house and asked her mother if they had enough to eat, and if anything was found wanting, on bended knee he would have cried for Allah’s forgiveness. For was it not Omar who said that if a dog went hungry by the banks of the Euphrates he, the Caliph, would be asked about it on the Day of Judgment?

The Islam which spread so fast from the sands of the Hejaz was a thing of achievement and glory. And to think what we have made of it in this republic founded in the name of Islam?

Email: winlust@yahoo.com

More from Ayaz Amir on Wonders of Pakistan

1. Caesar’s wife and the burden of suspicion 2 What the ages couldn’t accomplish… 3. Pakistan’s Punjab problem 4.Where nonsense has a life of its own 5. Punjab can no longer live in a state of denial 6. Changing the Way We Have Been 7. What’s Pakistan being taken for?
Ayaz Amir is a columnist and a politician. A member of the National Assembly of Pakistan, Amir is known for his op-eds which appear in the leading national dailies of Pakitan. Ayaz Amir is a liberal who passionately argues the case for rule of law, democracy, and an end to failed militay rule alongwith extremist versions of Islam.
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Wonders of Pakistan supports freedom of expression and this commitment extends to our readers as well. Constraints however, apply in case of a violation of WoP Comments Policy. We also moderate hate speech, libel and gratuitous insults.
We at Wonders of Pakistanuse copyrighted material the use of which may not have always been specifically authorized by the copyright owner. We make such material available to our readers under the provisions of “fair use” only. If you wish to use copyrighted material for purposes other than “fair use” you must request permission from the copyright owner.

Lord Mountbatten, The Last Viceroy: A Review [2 of 2]


The primary feature of of Radcliffe’s boundary line divided Amritsar, now in India, from Lahore, which went to Pakistan. By and large it followed major administrative divisions, although it did meander between villages in the Kasur region southeast of Lahore.
The two most controversial elements of this line involved Gurdaspur and Ferozepore. Pakistani critics interpreted Radcliffe’s decision to grant most of Gurdaspur District to India as an attempt to provide India with a land link to Kashmir. As one element of the beginnings of the Kashmir conflict, this allegation remains controversial even today.
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CYRIL FIXES BOUNDARY

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by Patrick L. Cooney

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 Cyril Radcliff, the chairman of the Partition Committee, is given only five weeks to decides on where the boundaries between east and west Pakistan and India will be.  This is a difficult decision because it has to weave back and forth between pre-dominant Muslim and pre-dominant Hindu villages.  The boundaries will not be revealed until after independence has been declared.

One other problem.  Mountbatten agrees that Independence Day will be August 14 at midnight instead of August 15 because the astrologers have said that August 15 is not a propitious dead.

PART-IV

Delhi, August 14, 1947.  At the stroke of midnight, independence begins.  There is a big independence celebration. Mountbatten is now the Earl and Edwina is the Countess Mountbatten of Burma.  Another change is that the Viceroy House is the Government House.  Mountbatten is invited again to be the Governor-General of India.  Gandhi is upset by independence.  He says that he will observe the day as a day of mourning.  The crowds celebrating the day are so huge that Mountbatten and Edwina cannot get to the platform for the flag-raising ceremony.

Calcutta becomes a big problem.  It might erupt in religious violence at any moment.  Gandhi agrees to stay in Calcutta if the local Muslim leader will live with him in his house.  The man agrees.

Mountbatten presents the new boundaries and everyone is shocked.  The Sikhs are particularly worried because five million of their people live in Pakistan while another five million live in India.   They are given a status report by Field Marshal Auchinleck,  Every village along a 50 mile stretch on either side of the border is on fire.  Ten percent of Lahore has been destroyed. 200,000 people are living in refugee camps.  Four to five million people are on the move between Pakistan and India.

Edwina continues with her nursing efforts.  She is almost fearless.   She goes into many dangerous areas.  In Pakistan she virtually bullies a Pakistani officer into starting to treat decently the Hindus under his charge. 

Mountbatten and others are worried that Gandhi will leave Calcutta.  If he does, everything will blow up in their faces.  Gandhi goes on a hunger strike to protest the religious violence in Calcutta.  This leads to a significant reduction in the violence in Calcutta as all the city leaders agree to stop the religious violence.  This is soon called “the miracle of Calcutta.”

Nehru speaks to Mountbatten about taking the exhausted Edwina with him to Simla for rest and relaxation.  But before he gets away, Mr. Jinnah suddenly shows up.  He wants Mountbatten’s help with the Indian leaders.  Jinnah finds them to be unhelpful, maintaining a lack of communication with him and interfering in the affairs of Pakistan.  Mountbatten replies that now he is an Indian and can only advise, not command.  He then tells Jinnah he is headed for Simla.

PART-V

Mountbatten is relaxing at Simla.  Vee Pee calls him to say that things are getting out of hand in Delhi.  Delhi is out of control and in chaos.  Mountbatten says that it is not his business anymore and says he is not coming to Delhi.  Vee Pee shames him by saying that if Delhi is lost then all of India will be lost.  Mountbatten and Edwina come to Delhi.  Nehru and Patel appoint him to lead the task force to save Delhi.  Mountbatten agrees.

The main problem in Delhi is that there is three-quarters of a million refugees in Delhi.  There is not enough food or medical supplies for them.  Mountbatten suggests that marauders and looters will be shot on sight and that weapons will be banned.

Edwina and Nehru take a look at the waves of refugees on the move.  Nehru tells Edwina that he has learned friendship from her husband and love from her.  They both agree that any other time than the current one things would have been different.

A train arrives in Calcutta.  All the passengers have been killed.  The Hindus on the platform are shocked and then some of them start attacking the Muslims on the platform.  At this time Gandhi arrives and puts a stop to the violence.  He promises not to leave Calcutta while religious violence looms overhead.

Delhi is nearing a condition of anarchy.  They only have food for two more days.  The hospitals are being attacked by religious fanatics.  Edwina works on setting up a United Council for Relief and Welfare that combines both Hindus and Muslim resources to handle all the health and welfare issues.

News arrive that Pathan tribesmen have attacked Kashmir with the intent to annex it to Pakistan.  Nehru declares this an act of war on part of Pakistan.  But Mountbatten urges that they wait until they find out real situation in Kashmir.  He says there is no proof that Jinnah is behind the aggression.  (We soon learn that Jinnah was behind it all.)

Mountbatten sends Vee Pee to talk with the Maharajah of Kashmir to get him to decide on whether he wants to be in India or Pakistan.  The Maharajah decides to go with India.  Now Mountbatten feels it is alright to send troops into Kashmir.  He also sends Auchinleck to talk with Jinnah about the consequences of the aggression in Kashmir.

Nehru is ill.  Mountbatten and Edwina pay him a visit.  The now reinforced troops in Kashmir are able to stop any farther inroads into Kashmir and are starting to push them back. They can all breathe again.  Mountbatten leaves as he has a lot of work to do and tells Edwina to stay with Nehru.

PART-VI

Jinnah wants to talk to Mountbatten about Kashmir becoming a part of India. With Lord Ismay, Mountbatten travels to Jinnah, who tells him that Pakistan will not recognize Kashmir as part of India.  Mountbatten says that the invading tribes had their chance, but they threw their victory away.

India bans 'Nehru and Mountbatten love scenes' from film

A film on the nature of Nehru and Edwina Mountbatten’s relationship has been shelved by Hollywood producers.  Their relationship is still hotly contested. In India, many prefer to believe the “lonely widower” and the adventurous Vicereine were devoted but platonic friends.

Edwina sees Nehru again and he tells her that he is feeling better.

The head of the Congress Party has resigned.   Mountbatten observes that if Gandhi’s candidate becomes the next president, Gandhi will be the leader, but if Nehru and Patel’s candidate is the next president, it means that Gandhi is no longer the leader.

Religious violence continues.  And the situation is still bad in Kashmir.  Tribesmen are still being sent into Kashmir in order to take it from India.  Mountbatten suggests that they refer the matter to the United Nations, but this does not appeal to Nehru or Patel.  Instead, they decide to cut-off any further monetary funds going to Pakistan.  This infuriates Gandhi who says that a sacred promise has been broken and he goes on a hunger strike.

He says that seven conditions must be met before he will end the strike, among these being the resumption of monetary funds going to Pakistan.  Gandhi has all his supporters very worried because his kidneys begin to fail.  Mountbatten and Edwina visit him, along with other leaders, including Nehru and Patel.  Nehru gives up and agrees to resume sending funds to Pakistan.  Gandhi ends his hunger strike.

Patel tells Gandhi that he is going to resign because Nehru is pushing him out of the picture.  Gandhi tells him not to resign and that the three men will get together and end the friction.  Gandhi walks outside amongst the gathered throng.  An assassin shoots him three times in the chest and Gandhi dies.  The assassin turns out to be one of the extremist Hindus (and, more importantly, is not a Muslim).  With Mountbatten’s help, Nehru and Patel hug each other.

Mountbatten is going home.  He wants to be First Lord of the Admiralty and that means he must get re-started on that career path.  Edwina is very upset.  When they first married, she was happy to play the loyal wife and a helper to her husband.  But in India she has come into her own.

Her husband agrees that her work has been very important and that she is surely loved in India for her great humanitarian efforts.  But he tells her that he cannot leave her in India while he goes back to Britain.  She is very sad, but she agrees to go with him.  Nehru gives them a grand send-off and deeply thanks both of them for their wonderful work.

***

Good movie.  My wife and I enjoyed it, although at times some of the political maneuverings were a bit hard to follow. (But with a DVD you can always go back and repeat the scenes or stop the action to see maps.)  A different version of the relationship between Nehru and Edwinais presented in the movie Jinnah (1998).  But regardless of their personal affairs, Mountbatten and Edwina set a wonderful example of outstanding human beings.

Concluded.

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